How To Use Tocqueville In A Sentence
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Montesquieu, Smith and Tocqueville were forced to theorize about the antiquity of the institutions and culture which underlay modernity and its origins in England.
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We can take as one starting point Tocqueville's conception of democracy, which I have already briefly sketched in the Introduction.
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I submit the following translation of Tocqueville's final hortatory sentence/paragraph of his masterpiece not as an invidious comparison but as an illustration of differing approaches to the difficult task of translation.
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Tocqueville notes that with effort he - and we - can enter this peasant's mentality.
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Beyond this general observation, Tocqueville notes important changes in the mentality of the middle classes and the nobility.
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Citizen de Tocqueville: There, gentlemen, is Baboeuf's program.
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Tocqueville's arguments for the strict separation of church and state are rooted in his concern that if religious dogma is fused with secular power, it will lose both its spillover and compensatory effects.
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While the dissolution of aristocratic corporate bodies may be a cost to society, in that bulwarks against despotism are eroded, Tocqueville believes that on balance the individual gains.
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As Alexis de Tocqueville noted long ago, in America, nearly all important issues ultimately become judicial questions.
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Indeed, just as Tocqueville had to coin the term individualism to describe the unique way he observed Americans relating to one another in society, he also invented a concept that he called "the principle of interest rightly understood" to describe Americans 'moral code.
The Freedom Fighter's Journal
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Citizen de Tocqueville (turning toward the left): It might, perhaps become so, if you allow it to happen, [much approval] but it will not.
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In the tradition of two of America's greatest social commentators, Alexis de Tocqueville and Thorstein Veblen, Fuller points out that we are all somebodies and nobodies, that dignity is non-negotiable.
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But we live not only with positive general principles but with what Tocqueville (him again!) discerned as contradicting actualities.
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As much as Tocqueville owes to Enlightenment insights, his work belongs, as well, to the counter-Enlightenment strain of the liberal tradition — impressionistic and exhortative, idealistic in its use of types and fatalistic in its approach to history, sentimental both in its portrayal of a declining aristocracy and in its invocation of the turbulent United States as a manner of natural order.
The Visitor
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Political philosophy is the oldest of the social sciences and it can boast a wealth of heavy hitters from Plato and Aristotle to Machiavelli Hobbes Hegel Tocqueville Nietzsche and so on.
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We might like to speculate how Jefferson or Tocqueville, Orwell or Bonhoeffer might respond to these extraordinary words.
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Eventually Tocqueville's single-minded absorption in French affairs will lead him away from America altogether.
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For example, the first piece, which The Atlantic published today, begins in Newport, which is the very place where Tocqueville arrived in America.
America in Foreign Eyes
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With these aristocratic reactionaries, Tocqueville shared a painful sense of dislocation and loss.
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Jonathan Raban has become our Tocqueville, our Crevecoeur, as he has roamed South and West, riding a Mississippi raft, following railroad lines, and bucketing across the prairie and the plains in his old car.
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At 15, Tocqueville accompanied his father to Metz, where he entered the lycée and a wider social world than his restricted family circle.
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On Tocqueville's account, then, freedom of association and a free press do not promote anarchy.
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Tocqueville's discussion of religious moeurs in the second volume of Democracy in America sets the stage for Gauchet's contention that the essential nature of modern European democracy is an endless dispute over legitimacy.
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Should we re-read those pages in Tocqueville on the good fortune of being sheltered by geography from violations of the nation's territorial space, and come to see in this return to the flag a neurotic abreaction to the astonishment that the violation actually occurred?
In the Footsteps of Tocqueville
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As monarchies, dictatorships, even oligarchies gradually are replaced by some form of government that is at least struggling to become democratic, we have all become aware of Tocqueville's prescience.
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Half a century after the framers of our constitution had pledged to form a more perfect union, Alexis de Tocqueville thought he had stumbled on to the unifying element, civic participation.
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At the beginning of this chapter I suggested that Tocqueville saw America's particular and irreproducible circumstances as both crucial and beside the point.
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Tocqueville wrote in the 1830s of the inevitability of democracy, but warned against ‘the dangers of a tyranny of the majority’.
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America, as Tocqueville famously concluded, is a nation of joiners.
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Through all of these evaluations, assessments and hagiographies, commentators sometimes lose sight of the fact that Tocqueville was, by training and choice, an attorney, and what is more, a civil law trained attorney, a magistrate, a member of the Legislative Assembly, a drafter of the Constitution of France's Second Republic and a member of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte's Cabinet.
Archive 2008-02-01
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Alexis de Tocqueville wrote, in the 1830s, that the great constitutive power of the American republic was its town councils and rural communities, in which small assemblies of citizens took counsel for their immediate good.
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But in context virile and manly are always distinguished from servile or slavish; Tocqueville does not explicitly or implicitly contrast them to feminine or womanly.
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During those early years of our national experiment with self-government, Tocqueville saw this principle as enjoying "universal acceptance" in America.
James Bacchus: Can We Still See and Serve Our True National Self-Interest?
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Alexis de Tocqueville's two-volume study De la democratie en Amerique, published in 1835 and 1840, made no mention of balloting procedures, despite providing an otherwise comprehensive examination of American political culture and the moeurs that sustained it.
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J'en doute, je vous l'avouerai, que l'aristocratie anglaise s'en trouve bien, et quoique A B ait entonné l'autre jour une véritable hymne en l'honneur de celle ci, je ne crois pas que ce qui passe soit de nature à rendre ces chances plus grandes dans l'avenir '-- _A de Tocqueville_.
Correspondence & Conversations of Alexis de Tocqueville with Nassau William Senior from 1834 to 1859, Volume 2
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Rather they reveal Tocqueville's fixation on the contrast between classes in aristocracies and democracies.
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Because in any argument of any kind, elites always quote Tocqueville.
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The tone won't appeal to highbrows, but this is the closest thing to a second Tocqueville we are likely to find.
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De Tocqueville was an acute observer of American ways.
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Tocqueville does not claim that this American point de départ was uninfluential.
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One hundred fifty years ago, Alexis de Tocqueville, the French historian and author of Democracy in America, wrote: "I (fear) that men may reach a point where they look on every new theory as a danger, every innovation as a toilsome trouble, every social advance as a first step toward revolution, and that they may absolutely refuse to move at all.
Esther Wojcicki: Revolution Needed for Teaching Literacy in a Digital Age
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Yet in their very long book there is no actual analysis of Tocqueville's work or reference to any specific textual passage.
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Tocqueville had nine months, but he probably dillydallied.
The Fiddler in the Subway
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On the contrary, he is almost a textbook example of Tocqueville's prediction that American democracy would produce works that lay bare the deepest, hidden parts of the psyche.
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The elective principle itself, Tocqueville notes, forces an ambitious man to appeal beyond the confines of his family and friends for votes.
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Alexis de Tocqueville would marvel at what bleating sheep we have become.
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Tocqueville saw the Revolution as the advent of democracy and equality but not of liberty.
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We can take as one starting point Tocqueville's conception of democracy, which I have already briefly sketched in the Introduction.
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In 1831, French traveler and commentator Alexis de Tocqueville expressed surprise at how well informed even backwoodsmen in the wilds of Michigan and Illinois were about national politics.
